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9 DISCUSSION ON THE CHILD LABOUR PROJECT

The rehabilitation measure under the MOU deals with only about 10.000 child workers who were employed in the garment sector as revealed in the 1995 survey, a significantly lower number of children than thought to be in the factories a year earlier. The vast majority of child workers were sacked prior to the signing of the MOU and have been deprived of any kind of rehabilitation measures as mentioned in the agreement. Nothing has been said about the potential entrants who would have come every year to work in the garment sector.

Despite of the shortcomings of the project and the negative consequences for the children that are deprived of the provisions under the MOU, the ILO considers the project as rather succesfully. The project is the first initiative in which employers and international organisations together decided to tackle child labour in a particular sector. The initiative is considered a pilot project, and is seen as a breakthrough in the elimination of child labour. The concept of the project is now copied in other countries, for example in Pakistan in the soccer ball industry .(1)

According to the ILO, to assume there can be a child labour free sector in such a short period of just two years, is not realistic. Monitoring results reveal a decrease in the percentage of factories found with child labour from 43% in 1995 to 13% in 1997. At least employers realised that child labour is no longer accepted in the garment industry in Bangladesh. Losing an export market would have been disastrous for Bangladesh' economy, as follows the ILO . (2)

Strenghts of the project are the quality of schooling that is above average and the factory inspection system that seems to work fairly well . (3) At the other hand, the monthly scholarship is very meagre; the taka 300 can not outweigh the child workers' opportunity cost of all occupations. Since the BGMEA contributes to a large extent of the payments of the stipends to the terminated children, their interest appears to be in keeping the number of child workers who enroll in schools as low as possible.

While being a leading sector, the garment industry is sensitive to foreign pressure. It is not strange that the threat of a boycott was taken very seriously by the garment exporters.

HUMANISING THE PROCESS
The MOU was however introduced quite late. Most dismissals of children had already occured. Less than one fifth of the children dismissed from the garment factories had the chance to benefit from the MOU. This minority was given access to school through the MOU. Most of the dismissed children moved to even worse and more dangerous jobs. Dismissing young garment workers made the child labour situation in Bangladesh worse instead of better.

How can I go to school with an empty stomach?

The elimination of child labour did not automatically result in the enrolment of children to schools. The MOU would have been doing more justice if the children could keep their work in the garment factories half-time while being provided with education the other half. The children need a job as much as they need education. But consumer groups and trade unions from the industrialised countries only accept the complete removal of children from the garment industry. Bangladeshi employers, fearing a boycott, could nothing do but to obey .(4)

At the same time, trade unions and other representative organisations in Bangladesh were excluded from negotiations concerning the MOU. The BGMEA rejected its first draft because it planned the participation of NGO's. Trade unions are not allowed to participate in the implementation of the project either.

The final MOU was likely proposed to meet the demands of western advocates and the commercial needs of the Bangladeshi factory owners and the multinationals buying from them while ignoring what would be best for the children .(5) Even so the Harkin's Bill was seemingly intended to serve the interests of the rich countries. Imports of garments from Bangladesh to the US were regulated under the Multi-Fibre Arrangement. However, Bangladeshi clothing exports kept on growing. Under the mask of combatting child labour, the Child Deterrence Act tried to restrict the import of cheap Bangladeshi clothing.

The complete removal of children out of the garment factories may hit upon most on the children in Bangladesh and their poor families. The economic necessity has not disappeared by removing the children out of the factories. The children themselves may not want to be forbidden to work in the factories, since the alternative might be much worse. So they may well choose to hide away if inspections to child labour take place. They are more frightened to find themselves on the street and out of work

The experience of Bangladesh illustrates that the eradication of child labour from the garment factories did more harm than good. As the MOU is only applicable to one particular section, i.e. the export sector, it is not concerned with the problem of child labour in the other sectors of the economy. Even though labour conditions in the garment industry are bad, exploitative conditions of work in many areas outside the garment sector remain unaddressed. Banning all children under 14 years from just one sector of the economy has led to a movement of child workers from the garment to the non-garment sector, where conditions are far worse and where any protection and control are lacking. The MOU does not attack the main cause of child labour, that is poverty. It is in no case a solution to the child labour problem in Bangladesh.

  1. ILO Midterm Review, 1997
  2. ILO Midterm Review, 1997
  3. Myers, 1998
  4. Myers, 1998
  5. Myers, 1998
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