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Index
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CONTROLLING CORPORATE WRONGS: THE LIABILITY OF MULTINATIONAL
CORPORATIONS
Legal possibilities, initiatives and strategies for civil
society
Report of the international IRENE seminar
on corporate liability and workers' rights
held at the University of Warwick, Coventry, United Kingdom,
20 and 21 March 2000
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5 Approaches at the international level
In parallel with national legislation, we need international
standards which are directly binding on MNCs. States have long
resisted these, because imposing such obligations would give companies
status in international law, which they felt was dangerous. However,
the OECD Convention on Corruption, currently the only international
instrument which imposes obligations on MNCs, could be a useful
precedent for setting similar obligations in the fields of human
rights and environmental responsibility.
These instruments need to be accompanied by international institutions
with the power to supervise and enforce the implementation of binding
standards. With the failure of the MAI and of the attempt to make
companies as well as individuals accountable before the International
Criminal Court in Rome, there are only international codes of conduct,
such as the ILO and OECD mechanisms. These are severely hampered
by their non-binding nature and very weak supervisory mechanisms.
International human rights law, which can apply to international
as well as national companies, offers some opportunities for calling
companies to account, but to date has been more widely used in relation
to states. However, the UN Subcommission on the Promotion and Protection
of Human Rights, in the context of its work on economic, social
and cultural rights, has begun looking at the activities of TNCs
and their impact on human rights and is expected to produce a new
code in 2001. The Subcommission is also interested in other economic
areas, such as trade liberalization and globalization and their
impact on human rights.
· UN Subcommission for the Promotion and Protection of
Human Rights
The UN human rights mechanisms have begun to address the fact that
many of the problems they deal with have their roots in corporate
conduct, and the UN Subcommission for the Promotion and Protection
of Human Rights has a working group dealing specifically with these
issues. Françoise Hampson is a member of the group and reported
upon its work.
Of the three principal focuses that human rights mechanisms can
take - enforcement, monitoring, and standard-setting - the Subcommission's
particular strength lies in standard-setting. Much of the standard-setting
as regards civil and political rights is now considered to have
been accomplished, and the Subcommission has been concentrating
more on the realization of economic, social, and cultural rights.
The issue of MNCs' operations first came to the Subcommission's
attention in a systematic way in 1998. The Subcommission established
a three-year sessional working group, which is now putting together
a document aiming to integrate all the measures and norms necessary
to ensure that the activities of MNCs are consistent with the promotion
and protection of human rights. The group is collecting data from
as many constituencies as possible on how MNCs affect the enjoyment
of civil, cultural, economic, political and social rights, including
the rights to development and to a healthy environment. It aims
to cover good as well as bad practice, and seeks input from NGOs,
especially on the elaboration of sustainability reporting guidelines.
A report on elaborating a possible code of conduct, with relevant
human rights standards and a possible implementation mechanism,
should be ready by the August 2000 session of the Subcommission
and the group's final meeting in 2001 may result in a draft code,
although the Subcommission would not itself be empowered to make
this into a concrete obligation.
The working group wants the new code to have a binding character,
but expects this will be difficult to achieve, since there is already
considerable opposition to this in the Subcommission from various
Western European governments which do not favour imposing obligations
on businesses. It also wants to require MNCs to prepare regular
impact assessments.
- ILO conventions
Currently there are 180 ILO Conventions in existence, of
which those addressing the five 'core' themes are:
- Conventions 29 and 105 on the abolition of forced labour;
- Conventions 87 and 98 on the rights to freedom of association
and collective bargaining;
- Conventions 111 and 100 on the prevention of discrimination
in employment and equal pay for work of equal value;
- Conventions 138 and 182 on the minimum age for employment
and child labour;
- Conventions 174 and 176 on industrial accidents, safety
and health.
ILO Conventions are international treaties, subject to ratification
by ILO member states, and as such are held to be 'hard law', allowing
claimants to proceed against governments for violation of them.
They are negotiated between governments, workers and employers and,
like the OECD instruments, are intended to promote rather than punish.
The ILO also has a specific, less formal instrument related to MNCs,
the Tripartite Declaration of Principles concerning multinational
enterprises and social policy (1977), which it describes as a voluntary
code.
The ILO is the principal international standard-setting body for
labour relations, and many internal codes are based on ILO Conventions.
As a legal instrument for obtaining corporate accountability, however,
it suffers from many of the same limitations as the OECD, principally
as regards implementation. There is a MNCs Committee, but it tends
to be very slow and inconclusive in practice. Participants at the
seminar who had tried to use it had found it frustrating.
- World Bank
The World Bank was originally set up to eradicate poverty, so
its guidelines do protect certain resource-poor groups such as
indigenous people. These ideals have become somewhat diluted in
the growth of the World Bank as a major development donor and
a promoter of neoliberal economic principles through structural
adjustment programmes. This makes it an unpromising partner in
any challenge to corporate power; but in recent years NGDOs and
people's organizations have started to take the Bank to task and
press it to meet up to its founding principles, with some success.
Now the IMF and WB are starting to put poverty reduction into
their mandates alongside free trade imperatives. Although this
may seem to ignore the inevitable contradictions, it opens up
a space for calling on these institutions to fulfil their promises.
- World Trade Organization
The WTO is the only international body with real power to
enforce, but, from the point of view of challenging MNCs, its
devotion to free trade makes it on the whole part of the problem
rather than part of the solution. The less power national governments
have, the more necessary international regulation is; but unfortunately
the WTO, the one organization most involved in international regulation,
is also the one coming under the strongest criticism, as the uproar
at Seattle shows.
The WTO authorizes victims of unfair trade practices to impose
sanctions on companies up to a certain maximum amount, and there
are several cases in the WTO of states both paying and being paid.
Corporations have had to change their behaviour, and ultimately
bear costs, in a number of cases. However, most WTO cases are between
industries or corporat-ions. In practice, civil society has no meaningful
access to the WTO, and the institution does not present itself as
a defender of the economic rights of citizens. In fact, protection
of some rights by States can result in a violation of WTO rules.
Thus the WTO in itself raises a series of human rights questions.
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