| An updated version of
this text is publisized in the report "Made
in Southern Africa". It gathers information on labor
conditions in sub-saharan Africa. |
Mauritius:
No paradise for foreign workers
In August/September 2001 the Centre for Research on Multinational
Corporations (SOMO), located in the Netherlands, carried out
research on the garment industry in Mauritius. This report is
based on interviews with workers, management, governmental institutions
and labour inspectors.
Madagascar and Mauritius flank the south-eastern coast of Africa,
two island nations huddled together in the middle of the Indian
ocean. Yet despite their geographical proximity, the countries
are far apart in terms of economic development: Mauritius, hardly
a speck on the map, boasts a behemoth clothing industry, while
Madagascar, the fourth largest island on the planet, is still
struggling to establish its garment sector. It has not helped
that Madagascar's presidential elections of December 2001 left
political instability in their wake. As a result, most of the
big island's clothing factories stopped production and some of
them moved back to Mauritius.
MAURITIUS
Mauritius's experience with industrialisation and economic development
over the last 30 years has earned it international praise. Other
countries, struggling through the stormy challenges of globalisation,
saw in the island nation's clothing and textile industry a beacon,
the how-to model to be emulated in pursuit of a home-grown manufacturing
base. The people responsible for this Mauritian success story
have been its workers and the productivity of their labour. But
now, when the storms of globalisation have begun to batter the
island's apparel economy, it is the workers who are suffering.
"At a time when Mauritius' garment industry is facing problems,
the workers are seen as second class people," according to
a labour union organiser.
Mauritius
is a small Island in the Indian Ocean, to the east of Madagascar.
It has one of the strongest economies in Africa, boasting an average
annual growth rate of 6% over the last 2 decades. Until the beginning
of the 1970s, when Mauritius embarked on a major industrial development
programme, its economy had been based almost exclusively on sugar
cane (which even to this day accounts for 25% of Mauritius' export
earnings). In the shift to diversify and industrialize, the motors
driving Mauritius's economic development became garment production,
tourism and, most recently, financial services. Certain conditions
have been key ingredients in the country's success: stability,
in politics, society, and macro-economics - and a coherent strategy
to compete internationally in labour-intensive activities. Along
the way, Mauritius has benefited from trade agreements, such as
the Lomé/Cotonou conventions (which give preferential access
to Mauritius exports to the European market), the Multi- Fibre
Agreement (MFA) (which has allowed Mauritius to build up its garment
industry by restricting the clothing exports from mostly Asian
countries), and recently, the US African Growth and Opportunities
Act (AGOA).
Over the past three decades, Mauritius has become a "middle-income"
country. But its garment industry now faces competition from other
Southern African countries and competition due to rising labour
costs. It is trying to compensate enhancing efficiency and upgrading
production. At the same time, Mauritius has been developing its
financial services sector and looking at new growth pillars such
as, for example, positioning itself as an international hub for
trade and information technology for the Africa and Indian Ocean
region.
Garment Industry
Most of Mauritius' garment production occurs in Export Processing
Zones (EPZs). The EPZ sector in Mauritius started in the early
1970s, as a central component of the country's economic development
strategy. The EPZs, which expand across the entire island, are
the major factor contributing to the country's economic growth.
In 2000, there were 518 enterprises in the EPZ sector in Mauritius,
out of which 251 (48%) were involved in garment manufacture. Out
of the 92.666 total jobs registered in June 2001, 82.080 (89%)
were in textiles and garments factories (77111 in garments alone).
Most of the companies operating in Mauritius' apparel industry
are locally-based, contrary to the experience of other countries
which only recently began apparel production (e.g. Lesotho and
Swaziland, where foreign, and especially Taiwanese, companies
dominate); more than 65% of Mauritian manufacturing companies
are locally-owned, according to the Mauritius Industrial Development
Authority (MIDA).
According to Textiles Unlimited the value of the garments exported
stood at US$ 891 million in 2000, representing 81% of the total
exports of the EPZ. Of these exports, US$ 544 million (61%) went
to Europe and US$ 275 million to the US. In Europe the main export
destinations are France, the UK and Germany. A portion of the
country's garment output goes to African countries (mainly to
South Africa) and, according to MIDA, a very small amount is destined
for Japan. Mauritius's US exports have grown in recent years,
mostly as a result of the AGOA.
Garment trade facilitating agreements
Mauritius has benefited from a range of multilateral trade agreements.
The garment industry in Mauritius started in the 1970s, after
MFA quotas began to restrict the industry in other garment exporting
countries. Mauritius's exemption from these restrictions encouraged
the development of the EPZ sector and a large garment industry.
With the phasing out of the MFA at the end of 2004, Mauritius
is set to lose this advantage.
Mauritius also falls under the ACP-EU agreement, which grants
it duty- and quota-free access to the European market under certain
conditions. In addition, Mauritian exports are eligible for preferential
access to US markets through the AGOA. According to employers
and government institutions, the AGOA will greatly benefit Mauritius.
Exports to the US are expected to increase in the coming years
as duties are lifted. However, some people are sceptical about
the AGOA's benefits, noting that competition with other AGOA-eligible
countries is increasing.
Competition
Both the MIDA and several company managers worry that competition
with other garment-making countries from around the world is a
real threat to Mauritius apparel industry. Eastern Europe, for
one, is emerging as a major competitor, especially because of
its proximity to the Western European market (particularly Germany).
Several Western European countries have intensified their trade
with Central and Eastern European countries through Outward Processing
Trade. But Mauritius is not only in competition with Eastern Europe.
"The capacity worldwide has gone wild", according to
the managing director of a small factory in Mauritius. Global
competition is taking its toll as "retailers can push the
manufacturers against the wall". In addition to other African
nations, competition comes from manufacturers in South-East Asia,
with their high-volume-output, low-labour-cost garment industries.
At one time, Mauritius used to have almost full employment, but
this is no longer the case. Mauritius is losing business due to
its relatively high labour costs (compared to much of sub-Saharan
Africa) and its location. Production has been seeping away - especially
in labour-intensive industries - to Madagascar and other countries
in the region. Buyers can pay lower prices for the orders that
are still placed with Mauritius firms, and manufacturers then
complain that profits are not as lucrative as in the past.
As a result, several companies are closing down or looking for
new investors or buyers. Most of these companies have declared
bankruptcy and have avoiding paying workers the wages they were
due. Other companies closed temporary, or cut back to partial
operations. Mauritius' economic problems extend beyond the garment
industry, with the sugar industry also falling on hard times.
Low skilled jobs have been disappearing.
Mauritius' trade statistics hardly indicate all doom and gloom.
Moreover, the government is optimistic that it will continue to
attract and keep new investors by offering generous incentives.
It is putting energy in having the textile industry fully develop,
in order to exploit all the potential advantages opened by the
ACP-EU agreement and the AGOA. Some managers interviewed were
confident in the future and were even investing in their company
to enlarge the production capacity.
Labour law
Labour relations in the EPZ are covered by the labour laws and
by the Industrial Expansion Act of 1993. The Act states specific
regulations for EPZ workers and gives employers the right to demand
10 hours compulsory overwork (on top of a 45 hour normal working
week). After 45 hours, workers are entitle to overtime pay. Women
are not eligible for paid maternity leave after their third child
and can be asked to do night work. All of these provisions has
made the Industrial Expansion Act come in for persistent criticism
from trade unions, who continue to call for its amendment.
One of the problems mentioned repeatedly by union representatives
is the current remuneration system. When workers retire they are
denied a lump sum payment, as in other sectors , which forces
employees to keep on going until they are no longer physically
capable or until they are dismissed. One worker we interviewed
was 67 years old. She was dismissed for not being able to make
the production target any more and was not given any compensation.
The trade union intervened and took the case to court, where the
company finally settled on 15 days payment for every year of service.
Labour conditions
Trade unions
Mauritius, with a population of about 1.2 million people,
has hundreds of active trade unions. As a whole, there is a high
degree of trade union representation, with a national unionisation
rate of about 20-25% among the entire working population. However,
the union rate is much lower in the EPZs, where the ILO and local
unions report that only between 9 -12% of workforce is unionised.
There are many obstacles to trade union activity in the EPZs.
Union activists complain that it is difficult to gain access to
factories and that they encounter numerous problems with employers
who don't want workers to join unions. It is a common tactic for
managers to threaten to close their factories if workers begin
to join unions. In order to thwart union organising before it
can even begin, managers sometimes ask workers to sign a promise
not to join a union. Union organisers have a hard time recruiting
workers outside of working hours, since some factories make homeward-bound
workers board company sponsored-transportation inside factory
gates.
Even after a union does succeed in gaining a foothold inside
a factory, it can be excessively difficult to get the factory
to recognise the union, even when the Industrial Relations commission
orders this. Recognition can take two to three years and will
cost the union huge amounts of money on legal expenses.
Several of the management interviewed expressed hostility towards
the unions, or completely ignored their existence. The recent
economic difficulties in the apparel sector have also weakened
labour's strength. "With the closure of more factories the
unions can't flex their muscles anymore," according to another
manager.
Legal striking is virtually impossible due to the legal procedures
that have to be followed. Illegal strikes do happen though, and
according to one of the trade unions, they can be very effective.
Wage
The minimum wage is between 1600 and 1800 rupees (US$ 53-60) per
month. Most workers interviewed earn above the minimum wage, using
overtime and bonuses to boost their pay packets to between 2000
and 5000 rupee (US$ 67-167) per month. During the interviews,
the workers complained that they were barely able to make ends
meet on their meagre wages. One women worker asked: "This
salary is very, very low. How can we support children, we can't
even pay for their schools?". Lately, workers in factories
which have lost orders have seen a substantial decrease in their
monthly income. Without the hours of overtime they cannot make
enough money for themselves and their dependents. Jobs in the
garment industry are among the lowest-paying in the Mauritius
economy (compared to mining, electricity and water, transport
and construction), and do not offer much scope for advancement.
All these factors have led to increased frustration among the
textile and clothing workers.
Most workers work on "piece rate," which means their
earnings depend on how many garments they produce. Some companies
have a productivity bonus that "forces" workers to do
overtime. If workers cannot make the production target, they will
miss out on what can be a substantial bonus. When the workers
fall behind the target, the bonus (or part of it) will be cut.
When the workers don't make the target the bonus is cut. Because
wages are so low, workers depend heavily on overtime and bonus
wages for their survival.
Health and safety
There is free public health care in Mauritius. Workers reported
health problems because of the dust inside factories; most workers
don't get protection. Some factories are very hot and lack appropriate
ventilation. Workers in one factory mentioned that they don't
get time to go to the doctors, and that often the factory does
not approve the required medical certificate. This results in
workers not being paid for sick leave.
Working hours
Workers in the EPZ work 45 hours (normal working week) with 10
hours of compulsory overtime. Under the 1993 Industrial Expansion
Act, companies have received greater flexibility, especially when
it comes to calculating the hours of work for purposes of overtime.
Overtime is paid 1.5 times the normal wage for the first 10 hours,
than 2 times for the next 5 hours and after this 3 times.
The amount of overwork differs from factory to factory. Most
workers reported that they had been doing excessive overwork in
the years before. Some factories, facing a loss in orders, correspondingly
lowered their overtime requirements in 2001. In other factories,
where orders are still being placed, management demands long hours
from workers, shifts that last well into the night and weekend
work. With such a schedule, many employees complain that they
have no time for a social life; workers working long overtime
shifts rarely see their children. Workers receive no advance notice
when overtime shifts will be required. Some factories are demanding
compulsory overtime. If workers refuse this compulsory overtime,
they will be denied future overtime opportunities - a severe penalty,
since workers depend on some overtime wages to supplement the
basic, non-overtime wage, which does not cover basic living expenses.
Defiance of compulsory overtime may also result in the company
cutting a worker's bonus.
There are complaints about the working pace and the rest periods.
During an interview, workers reported that they were only given
a 15-minute break for lunch. In several factories, workers are
not allowed to go outside the gates on their lunch break to buy
food, but are confined within the factory premises.
Labour inspectors
The factories are supposed to be inspected once a year, but in
an interview, the labour department confessed that it lacked the
human resources to carry out the inspections. Labour inspectors
apparently will visit a factory when there is a complaint or a
request to do so, and when they do make a visit, they claim to
interview both workers and management. The union provides inspectors
with the names of the shop stewards, but labour inspectors reportedly
only talk to the workers nominated by the management.
Expatriate workers
During the garment industry's heyday, Mauritius faced a shortage
of labour. Companies began to "import" workers from
other countries so as to be able to fully exploit the production
possibilities in Mauritius. Workers were imported mainly from
China, India, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Madagascar. Almost three-quarters
of the migrant workers are women and almost half of the women
are married and have children. Foreign workers decide to come
to Mauritius foremost for economic reasons; they were attracted
by the opportunity to earn high wages. As one woman from China
said: "we thought we would earn a lot of money here and therefore
came to Mauritius and left our families for years".
Even though the employment rate has decreased since the booming
years, factories have not stopped searching for workers outside
of Mauritius, since foreign workers were seen as more docile than
their Mauritian counterparts. "You can't expect local people
to work in the same conditions as foreigners do here" according
to the manager of a denim producing factory. The managers we interviewed
mentioned that the expatriate workers willingly worked long hours
without any problems and that they do not ask for holidays and
sick leave. Managers also praised the skill and speed of foreign
workers, preferring them to local workers, who, with their social
and family obligations seem "demanding, lazy and overall
less productive" in the eyes of management. It seems that
for management, the ideal situation would be a workforce that
was available 24 hours a day.
Most of the expatriate workers in Mauritius are employed in the
garment and textile sector. Of the 15531 work permits issued for
foreigners in 2000, 13451 (87%) were in the garment and textile
sector. Of these only slightly more than 1% are in management
and supervision positions.
While managers are eager to exploit the labour of expatriate
workers, their presence in Mauritius has bred resentment among
the local population. Especially since working hours - and as
a result, income - has decreased with the decline in orders, local
workers feel that their interests are not being taken into account.
Often, if there is overtime to be done, it will be assigned to
the expatriate workers.
While some expatriate workers reported that they were doing a
lot of overwork, other expatriate workers complained about not
being able to work enough overtime to earn what they expected
to earn when heading for Mauritius. Because of protests from the
side of the trade unions about the growing unemployment and their
demand that priority should be given to Mauritian workers first,
the government seems willing to take measures to discourage companies
from employing expatriate workers.
Workers are recruited through agencies in the different countries
where they come from. During the research, SOMO spoke with workers
from China, India and Bangladesh. All complained about the differences
in payment between what has been promised by the agencies and
what was actually paid by the factories. The workers had to pay
a fee so as to be able to get a job in Mauritius. Most of the
workers took out loans to pay this fee. Some workers take on additional
jobs at night to earn extra money, in restaurants or even as prostitutes.
Labour conditions for expatriate workers
Foreign workers live packed in dormitories, with 4 or more in
one small room. Some of the dormitories are on the top floors
of factory buildings. Several workers said that they had a curfew,
and could not leave the building after a certain hour. They are
not allowed to join unions nor engage in any union activities
for fear of being deported and repatriated. One of the labour
officers interviewed mentioned that the contracts often don't
mention the terms of employment and that there are often problems
with payment.
Overall, the salaries for foreign workers are lower than expected.
One worker that was interviewed said he had to pay US$ 817 to
get a job in Mauritius. Another worker had to pay US$ 2511 to
a Bangladeshi agency. They both work for a factory that has been
on the verge of bankruptcy. At the moment of the interview, they
were not sure whether the factory would close. When coming to
Mauritius, they were told that they were going to earn about 12-15.000
Mauritian Rupees (US $400-500) while in reality they can only
make, even with a lot of overtime, 5000 Mauritian rupees per month
(US $167). The Bangladeshi worker's employment permit is valid
only for one year. So, even after paying everything he earns to
the bank, he will not succeed in paying off the loan that brought
him here.
Some factories pay the basic salary directly to the agency or
the family in the workers' home country, leaving the workers themselves
with only their overtime wages in Mauritius. When there is no
overtime they do not get any money at all.
Last year several factories closed down which caused additional
problems for the expatriate workers. As most took out loans to
be able to come to Mauritius they are not at all too happy to
return home without enough money. They had to wait to be transported
home and don't get any money in the meantime. During the research
we saw Chinese workers selling their personal belongings as to
be able to get some money to buy food.
The problems with foreign workers came to a head in the spring
of 2002, when two women workers, both Chinese, died. One worker
died of pneumonia, the other of a brain haemorrhage. Spontaneous
protests erupted, as expatriate workers went on strike and marched
to the Chinese embassy. There, they had a sit-in which lasted
five days, dispersing only after the Mauritian Minister of Labour
convened a meeting between factory directors and the heads of
the largest recruitment agencies. Both factory and agency managers
promised to reform the system of expatriate labour.
Client inspection
According to the MIDA, retail clients are eager to inspect that
factories are complying with their standards. European firms,
such as H&M, do some inspections, but it is foremost the American
buyers who "inspect everything". Some buyers, including
the GAP, have additional compliance standards for example when
it comes to expatriate workers. The GAP requires that factories
employing expatriate workers cover the workers' airplane tickets
to Mauritius. Factory owners resent the extra costs this entails
- and also the fact it is one less cost for workers to absorb
with their wages. As one employer said, "If we would pay
everything, like the GAP is wanting, people would not be so committed".
Companies acknowledge that factory inspections are happening.
According to one manager, "basically all the buyers check
the social side of the production. If you don't comply they do
not allow you to supply." The manager of a large garment
company in Mauritius notes that large buyers "all have their
own Code of Conduct. In relation to social conditions, they do
not want child labour, they want workers to work a certain amount
of hours per week." When buyers make audits, they "inspect
everything, they talk to the workers, look at health and safety
issues like the fire extinguishers, toilets, clean machines, chemicals
in the washing department. They have teams to cover the foreign
workers; they visit the dormitories, look at the contracts and
special conditions within the contracts. Of course there are always
issues, it is a continuous improvement process."
Most management mention that European buyers were performing
fewer inspections. A jeans factory that is producing mostly for
the UK for example mentioned they have never a client inspecting
the factory.
The workers we interviewed mentioned that most clients don't
talk with the workers when they make their often-brief inspections.
Workers are also sceptical that factory inspections actually make
a difference on their working conditions. Workers from one factory
mentioned that the GAP interviewed a worker about the problem
with overwork in the factory, but that nothing happened afterwards.
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