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NEWSLETTER 15, JUNE 2002

The CCC continues to call for a living wage
CCC UK report shows companies still need to be pressured to pay workers wages they can live off of

In 1999, European campaigns for payment of a living wage in the garment and sportswear industries were launched, in response to a global situation of deteriorating wages and poor working conditions. Despite high profit margins, major retailers were minimizing costs by relocating supply to countries with low wages and minimal regulation, and by subcontracting to semi-regulated or unregulated sweatshops and home workers.

Retailers had begun to react to public pressure by formulating codes of conduct. These generally stated that suppliers should pay their workers the national minimum wage or the local prevailing industrial wage. Testimonies from workers' organizations demonstrate that legal minimum wages are rarely based on realistic cost of living calculations, are often set below subsistence levels to attract foreign investment, and often fail to rise with inflation. Piece rate workers in particular are commonly paid less than the minimum wage. Clearly there is a need for campaigners working to improve conditions in the global garment industry to take up wage issues. The CCC encourages activists to demand that workers are paid a living wage. European garment companies and retailers have a responsibility to pay their suppliers enough to allow factories to pay their workers a living wage. The following is excerpted from a report produced by the UK CCC on wage issues: "Wearing Thin: the State of Pay in the Fashion Industry."

What is a living wage?

Definitions formulated by trade unions, campaigners and academics demonstrate agreement that a living wage should cover basic needs, include an additional discretionary income and cater for dependents

There are two main approaches to quantifying a living wage. The "formula approach" (variously calculated on the basis of average household size, cost of basic needs per person and savings, or on a fixed proportion of the national median wage) has the advantage of simplicity - but fails to address diversity or to empower the workers whose lives it seeks to improve. The "negotiated approach", based on consultations with workers, allows definitions to be tailored to local circumstances but it is problematic when unions are weak or suppressed. The onus in these circumstances is on companies to take concrete steps to demonstrate their commitment to fair remuneration in spite of the weakness of unions.

Workers' wages generally constitute a tiny fraction of the retail price of garments and sportswear (from 0.5% - 4%) and company profits are considerable. Whilst in recent years consumers have demonstrated an increasing willingness to pay more for fairly traded products, it should be possible for companies to increase wages without increasing costs to consumers. Retail companies have a responsibility to pay suppliers sufficient to cover the cost of living wages, and to establish systems to ensure that increased payments to suppliers result in higher wages for workers.

Survey: wages in supplier countries 2000-2001

Between November 2000 and 2001, the European Clean Clothes campaign worked to update and expand its information on wages in the garment and sportswear industry. Evidence from 10 countries convincingly demonstrates that legal minimum wages are insufficient to cover the basic needs of even single workers - with the result that many are working excessive overtime. In each country, there is also evidence of suppliers paying less than the legal minimum wage. Workers' rights to form and join independent trade unions are commonly denied, suppressed or undermined by an increase in the use of casual and home workers, which severely affects workers' ability to negotiate living wages.

Living on or below the minimum wage: the impact on workers in 1999

Workers in Bombay, India , reported finding their factories closed and the workforce dismissed after they had pressed their employers to pay the minimum wage. The same employers then re-opened elsewhere with new workers. If paid, the minimum wage covered food costs and little else. It did not cover the costs of education and healthcare, housing and caring for dependents, and was only upgraded every five years. Workers were constantly living on the edge, indeed were easily pushed beyond the edge by the need for housing repairs, the costs of illness or a marriage in the family. The priority of trade unions was to see the legal minimum wage implemented. To estimate a living wage seemed too unrealistic to contemplate .(1)

In Vietnam , where wages are fixed in US dollars but paid in Vietnamese currency, already low wages were found to have been adversely affected by fluctuations in exchange rates between the two currencies. Sport shoe workers earning £1.10 in 1998 had to work:

2¼ hours to buy 6 eggs
3 hours to buy 1 kilo beans
4 hours to buy 1 liter of cooking oil
12 hours to buy 1 kilo chicken (2)

In Indonesia , garment and sportswear factory workers who could not make ends meet earning the equivalent of $2.40 (£1.50) a day in 1997 saw their purchasing power decline by 140% in 1998 as a result of massive inflation and devaluation of the rupiah. Some garment retailers and buyers rushed to cash in. The New York Times reported a US clothing company boasting that it was "enjoying a bonanza" because sourcing from

"Asia is suddenly less costly, which means a windfall profit for the lucky retailer… Weaker Asian currencies make whatever is produced in the region less expensive in dollars. And rising unemployment in Indonesia, Sri Lanka and the Philippines holds down the wages of those who make [our] clothing there. Plus there is a spill over effect into other Asian countries, sensing competitive pressure and holding back on what they charge." (3)

Although the inflation rate had been stemmed by 1999, the Asian crisis left Indonesian factory workers budgeting for basic survival only as they attempted to recover from the previous year's catastrophic fall in purchasing power. According to several studies by UN organizations and the Jakarta-based Urban Community Mission (UCM), Greater Jakarta at the beginning of 1999 would have had to more or less double the minimum wage in order to cover the basic needs of single workers. Many of Europe's high street retailers and major international brands source from Indonesia.

In Bulgaria , the minimum wage in garment factories surveyed by the Clean Clothes Campaign (CCC) was below the official poverty line. There were considerable contradictions between the statements made by managers and those made by workers on the issue of wages. On the basis of the figures given by workers, they had to work:

50 minutes to buy 1 kilo of bread
1 hour 40 minutes to buy 1 kilo rice
3 hours to buy 250 g salami
10 hours to buy 1 kilo pork.

Workers were making ends meet by growing their own food where they could and by making use of their rural connections, working on relatives' land at weekends in exchange for food. Some workers were found to be on half pay when orders were low.

Other means of underpaying workers
Piece rate does not necessarily mean underpaying but is frequently used to do so. There are many different schemes. Sometimes a basic rate is paid and bonuses added on a piece rate system, sometimes all is paid by piece rate. Sometimes a production target is set which workers have to reach within a given number of hours. Such targets are frequently set too high and workers have to work extra time - unpaid - in order to reach them. Piece rate workers are frequently paid less than the legal minimum wage. Research carried out among UK homeworkers in 1999 showed that piece workers were least likely to earn the legal minimum wage and that the method of calculating pay was a major factor in determining whether or not homeworkers received the legal minimum wage. This is echoed by several Asian case studies.

In Indonesia in 1999, PT Tuntex and PT Tainan (then supplying Nike, adidas and the Gap) operated systems of extraordinarily high fines for mistakes:
- Rp5000 (72% of the daily minimum wage) for failure to turn off a machine, tidy up a worktop or for a sewing mistake
- Rp6000 (86% of the daily minimum wage) for taking menstrual leave (a religious requirement for some women, to which they are legally entitled) or being late
- Rp25000, or 3.6 times the daily minimum wage, for losing a tool!

The government of Thailand in the late 1990s introduced a new law enabling manufacturers, "in the event that an employer has to stop production, permanently or temporarily, for unexpected reasons" to pay employees 50 % only of their wage. Many manufacturers, among them Par Garment which in 1999 also supplied Nike, adidas and the Gap, have abused this law, announcing a temporary closure when orders were low. From September to November 1998, Par Garment workers were on half pay as the management announced closures on a total of 26 days.

Company responses

In October 1999, the UK Clean Clothes Campaign (Labour Behind the Label) invited the public to send postcards to major retailers calling on them to commit to a living wage for all workers in their production chain; pay suppliers a price sufficient to cover a living wage for all workers; and ensure that workers have the opportunity to play their part in determining a living wage. 80,000 postcards targetting 12 major companies were distributed. Three of these had no code of conduct, two had codes that made no reference to wages and seven stated that their supplier must pay the legal minimum wage.

Seven companies responded directly to consumers, and four addressed follow-up questions from Labour Behind the Label. Whilst three companies demonstrated some concern to pay fair as opposed to minimum wages, most failed to answer specific living wage-related questions and none acknowledged the need to pay suppliers a price sufficient to cover a living wage for all workers. (4)

Ethical trading initiatives and the living wage issue

In the late 1990s, six UK garment companies started working with the UK Ethical Trading Initiative (ETI). This requires company commitment to the ETI base Code of Conduct, including payment of living wages. Because of this commitment, these companies were deliberately not targeted in the Labour Behind the Label postcard campaign. However, responses to recent Labour Behind the Label questioning indicate that at least three companies are monitoring payment of minimum as opposed to living wages. While this is an appropriate first step in situations where suppliers fail to pay the minimum wage, it is only an adequate response if companies are also engaging in consultations as to what constitutes a living wage. None of the companies indicated awareness of the insufficiency of minimum wage rates. Three highlighted the need to consult with local organizations although only one outlined the steps being taken to do this.

Members of the European Clean Clothes Campaign are also working with retailers in France, the Netherlands, Sweden and Switzerland on the implementation of base codes of conduct that include living wage clauses. Responses to Labour Behind the Label questioning suggest that progress will require a more explicit and pro-active commitment to living wages than at present on the part of some of the participating companies. Where the debate is sufficiently advanced, a key issue arising relates to ways of raising standards in countries where unions are weak, without further undermining the union position.

Living wage campaigns around the world

Living wage campaigns, involving coalitions of NGOs and trade unions and targeting local and multi-national companies, are currently active in the United States, Switzerland, Belgium, and the Netherlands as well as in the UK.

In the United States in 1998, a coalition of organizations hosted the Living Wage Summit at the University of California in Berkeley to "increase understanding of how to determine a living wage and develop coordinated strategies for winning a living wage in the global garment and sportswear industry" .(5) Over 50 participants attended, including human rights groups, trade unions and other worker organizations, women's organizations, civil and immigrant rights' organizations, student groups and academics from North and Central America, Hong Kong and the Netherlands. Discussions among the participants led to the drafting of one of the first living wage formulae to be proposed.

Since then, Global Exchange has put the wage issue at the center of its 'Stop GAP Sweatshops' campaign, linking the wage issue to the right to organize and to workers' ability to negotiate living wages. In late 2000, former professional footballer Jim Keady (fired from his job as a university coach for refusing to wear the Nike swoosh) and activist Leslie Kretzu, spent a month in Indonesia trying to live on the full time wages of Jakarta footwear factory workers. They shared that experience, which left them hungry and exhausted, with thousands of US students and briefed members of the Congress on their findings.

In Switzerland, the Clean Clothes Campaign integrated the living wage issue into a campaign calling on Triumph to pull out of Burma and another on working conditions in the company's Filipino supplier. The Filipino workers complained that their wages have fallen from 500 to 310 pesos due to daily production targets set so high that they could not be met during basic working hours.

In Flemish-speaking Belgium, the Clean Clothes Campaign integrated the wage issue into its Euro 2000 campaign, targeting adidas in particular as one of the official suppliers to the tournament. Workshops, street actions and a 15,000-strong youth rally were organized, while 50,000 people were photographed displaying a badge calling for a living wage to be paid. The photos were collated and presented to adidas.

The Clean Clothes Campaign in the Netherlands highlighted a living wage as one of the key demands of the last two years' campaigns. It featured high on the list of demands made of sponsors during Euro 2000 and related campaign materials. A national coalition of Dutch NGOs and trade unions members of the Clean Clothes Campaign put their name to a poster calling for a living wage to be paid, of which 180,000 were distributed. The public was asked to donate a symbolic amount of money as an indication of its wish to see wages increased in the sportswear and garment industry. Nike and adidas were asked to convey that money to workers. No response came from adidas while Nike informed the CCC that they would not accept the check.

Recommendations

Companies should:

Signal to supplier countries that enforcement of labor standards, including increased wages, will not lead to automatic re-location in search of cheaper labor
  • Carry out research on the value of workers' current wages
  • Consult with local trade unions, human rights and other relevant organizations and academics to determine appropriate living wages
  • Establish prices to suppliers which reflect the cost of paying living wages
  • Press for the enforcement of workers' rights to organize and bargain collectively
  • Negotiate the level of a living wage with genuine representatives of workers
  • Strengthen transparency and accountability.

Ethical trading initiatives and campaigns should:

  • Insist on the above
  • Insist that company moves to improve wages are matched with improvement in the right to organize and bargain collectively
  • Stress that where sourcing is from countries or factories where unions are weak, companies have a responsibility to arrive at an adequate measure of a living wage through study and consultation
  • Strengthen alliances in order to maintain pressure on companies
  • Strengthen transparency and accountability.

To read the entire report on the UK CCC's investigation into the living wage, "Wearing Thin: the State of Pay in the Fashion Industry," please see the CCC website: http://www.cleanclothes.org/ftp/wearing_thin.PDF


Notes:

  1. Hensman, R (1999), "Wages in the Garment Industry in Bombay"
  2. Interfaith Centre on Corporate Responsibility, "Sport Shoe Production in China, Vietnam and Indonesia (1998), p.30
  3. Kernaghan C (1998), "Made In China: Behind the Label", National Labour Committee, p41
  4. Ymprasert, J (March 1999), "The Case of the Par Garment Manufacture"
  5. Sweatwatch, December 1998, "A Working Living Wage Methodology"
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