| Living
wage, produced
by Labour Behind the Label. |
|
Country Case Studies
The following case studies demonstrate the inability of workers
to survive on their wages. These should be read bearing in mind
Labour Behind the Label's definition of a living wage:
"A living wage enables workers to meet their needs for
nutritious food and clean water, shelter, clothes, education, health
care and transport, as well as allowing for a discretionary income.
It should be enough to provide for the basic needs of workers and
their families, to allow them to participate fully in society and
live with dignity. It should take into account the cost of living,
social security benefits and the relative standards of other groups".
Bulgaria
The textile and garment sector is one of the few industries still
partly in operation within a national economy which is in overall
decline. The industry is well equipped, staff are qualified, selling
markets are easily accessible, and labour is cheap for foreign retailers
due to the dramatic devaluation of the Bulgarian currency. Greek
managers are shifting production to this neighbouring country where
they pay only half the price for an available and well-qualified
labour force. In some areas, women workers from the Turkish/Muslim
minority population provide an even cheaper female labour pool.
The minimum wage in Bulgaria is about £24 a month. This is
below the official poverty line and it is paid because it is so
little. In 1997, members of the German Clean Clothes Campaign visited
Orfei Ltd, a knitwear and sportswear manufacturer in Bulgaria.
80% of the employees were women and, with very high male unemployment,
the majority were their family's sole breadwinner. They were well
qualified and most had been working at the factory for more than
10 years. In 1997, inflation was 578%. A 400% salary increase to
take account of inflation had lifted workers' salaries to an average
of £39 a month. Although there are no official figures, our
partner organisations have calculated a living wage for a family
of 4 to be about £280 a month. In other words, an Orfei worker's
average wage covered 14% of their families living costs.8 Families
survive thanks to backyard agriculture and links with their extended
families practising small-scale agriculture in rural areas.
A further visit in 1999 involved visits to 5 factories. The researchers
found considerable contradictions between the statements made by
managers and those made by workers on issues such as wages. Managers'
standard answer was that wages were £65 a month. But when
workers were asked to respond anonymously, with nobody from the
factory management present, the majority reported monthly salaries
of between £38 and £48. On these rates, workers earn
between £1.60 and £2.50 a day. Calculating on the basis
of a £2.05 average daily salary and an 8-hour day
|
Food item
|
Cost |
Time worked to earn enough to buy: |
| 1 kg bread |
22p |
50 minutes |
| 1 kg flour |
19p |
45 minutes |
| 1 kg rice |
42p |
1 hour 40 minutes |
| 1 kg beans |
58p |
2 hours 25 minutes |
| 1 kg pork |
£2.80 |
11 hours |
| 1 kg chicken |
£1.50 |
6 hours |
| 250 g salami |
£0.80 |
3 hours |
During bad times, when quotas are not met or orders are few, wages
can be reduced by as much as 50%. There were no trade unions in
any of the factories visited.
China
Since embarking on economic reforms and open-market policies
in 1978, China has become one of the fastest growing economies in
the world. By the late 1990s, China had become the world leader
in clothes exports. In 1996, China and Hong Kong exported £28
billion's worth of clothes, 29% of total world exports. The next
largest exporter, Italy, exported only a third of that amount.9
Four million garment workers now work in 44,000 factories strung
across hundreds of Special Economic Zones (SEZs) around China's
coastline. SEZs offer incentives to foreign investors such as 3-
to 5- year tax holidays on company profits, low rent, low-cost materials,
and relaxed foreign currency controls. It is an unwritten rule that
SEZs in China are strike-free zones with no tolerance for unions.
The majority of workers are young women, 17-25 years old. They
are migrants from rural areas with little formal education and no
work experience. Behind them, there are many waiting, eager to take
their jobs. Most work in the factory for 3-5 years before returning
to their village to get married or start a small business. They
live in dormitories shared with 6-12 others, sleeping in bunk beds.
Bathrooms are shared and there are no cooking facilities. Families
in the rural areas are often dependent on their financial support.
Their aspiration to escape from rural poverty, coupled with their
responsibility towards other family members, makes these young women
a compliant workforce. By stringent living and personal sacrifice,
working 12-16 hour shifts a day with only 2 days off per month,
they are able to send small sums to their families.
One US entrepreneur explains the reasons for his company Ava-Line's
success: "We have a factory in China where we have 250 people.
We own them; it's our factory. We pay them $40 (£24.20) a
month and they work 28 days a month. They work from 7am to 11pm
with two breaks for lunch and dinner. They all eat together, 16
people to a room, stacked on four bunks to a corner. Generally,
they are young girls from the hills".10
Han Dongfang, editor of the China Labour Bulletin and advocate
for human rights, has said that Chinese people had high hopes that
multi-nationals would bring more humane treatment to factory production.
But many workers are disillusioned.
A current trend is for multi-national companies to shift work from
publicly owned, regulated factories on the north coast, where there
are some worker benefits and government regulations, to the booming
sector of foreign-owned, private, unregulated, low-wage factories
along China's south coast. There, privately owned sweatshops pay
as little as 7p an hour, with no benefits and no regulations.11
Legal minimum wages are set by each provincial government and vary
from 6p-17p an hour.12 According to independent labour rights organisations
in Hong Kong, a subsistence or living wage in China would amount
to 52p an hour. Such a wage would meet the basic survival needs
of a poor, small family.
In 1997, human rights researchers working with the US National
Labor Committee investigated 21 garment factories in four areas
of China.
In Liang Shi handbag factory, which is typical of many, the hourly
rate is between 71/2p and 13p an hour. Warehouse workers on the
lowest pay scales, after working 10-hour shifts 7 days a week, take
away just £5.25. After money is deducted for food and accommodation,
they are left with just £2.08. Machinists earn an average
of 11p an hour, or £6.60 after a 60 hour-working week. After
deductions, this leaves them with £3.52.
"I don't understand it. Very fine leather is stored in
our factory. Why do they pay so poorly?"
"The pay is very low. I cannot save my money. I want to
work overtime to get extra money, but too much overtime will affect
my health, making me feel weak, so I don't want to work overtime
everyday. During the rush orders they give us no choice, because
if we don't work overtime, we get fined." 13
Indonesia
As part of the Suharto government's economic development plans,
Indonesia opened up its economy for foreign investment. Economic
Processing Zones were set u p, giving companies producing for export
special privileges, including the suspension of custom's duties
and value added tax. In the 1980s, Indonesia boasted the lowest
per capita income in SE Asia, and proved a popular destination for
foreign companies seeking low labour costs. 66% of foreign investment
in Indonesia is in manufacturing, with shoe and garment production
a key sector.
Indonesia was seriously hit by the Asian currency crisis in 1997.
The value of the stock market dropped 42% between January and October.
The value of the rupiah was 2,500 to the dollar in July 1997, but
by February 1998 had fallen to between 9 and 10,000.The monthly
inflation rate of over 12% in February 1998 was the highest in more
than three decades.
Following this currency crisis, Indonesia's "comparative advantage"
in terms of low labour costs was even greater. Average garment factory
workers who earned the equivalent of £1.50 a day in 1997,
after devaluation in 1998 earned only 50p a day. Some garment retailers
and buyers rushed to cash in.
The New York Times reported the Vice President of The Limited,
a US clothing company, boasting that The Limited is a "winner"
and "enjoying a bonanza" because
"making stylish blouses, sports clothes and underwear
in Asia is suddenly less costly, which means a windfall profit for
the lucky retailer
Weaker Asian currencies make whatever is
produced in the region less expensive in dollars. And rising unemployment
in Indonesia, Sri Lanka and the Philippines holds down the wages
of those who make The Limited's clothing there. Plus there is a
spill over effect into other Asian countries, sensing competitive
pressure and holding back on what they charge." 14
But, if the retailers are enjoying a boom, what about the Indonesian
workers? The banking crisis dried up credit for garment manufacturers
and political and economic instability deterred some investors and
buyers from cashing in on what were probably the cheapest wages
in the world. Tens of thousands of garment workers were laid off
during 1998.
For those remaining in employment, it became even more difficult
than before to make ends meet. Since the economic crisis, workers
have struggled to meet even their basic needs. In April 1998, the
minimum wage was increased by 15% to 200,000 rupiah a month, an
increase way below increases in the cost of living and the annual
inflation rate of 70%. Basic commodities like rice, cooking oil
and sugar had tripled in price. Powdered milk, which took a day's
wages at the minimum wage level before the crisis, afterwards took
approximately 10 days wages.
In March 1998, a group of American Nike and Reebok shareholders
visited 3 footwear factories in Indonesia. The smallest employed
6,000 and the largest 21,000 workers, mostly young women aged between
20 and 22.
The group found that:
"Most workers we talked with were receiving the minimum
wage as their basic pay. Workers can receive productivity and attendance
bonuses above the base wage, as well as overtime pay. One worker,
who received 54,000 rupiah a week said: 'I cannot make enough to
cover my basic needs.' Another: 'Now there is little overtime and
the high price of goods makes it very difficult. Wages have not
increased. We are trying to figure out how to make it.' A third:
'Nike shoes cost a lot. Why should the workers get so little?"
16
Comparing the costs of basic foods over 12 months in Indonesia
| Basic goods |
1997
|
Sept. 1998
|
| Rice for one week |
15,000
|
26,000
|
| 1 litre cooking oil |
2,000
|
5,500
|
| 1 kg sugar |
1,200
|
3,000
|
| 1 dozen eggs |
800
|
1,800
|
| Roadside food: |
|
|
| · rice with tofu and veg |
600
|
1,200
|
| · rice with fish and veg |
1,500
|
2,000
|
| · fried noodles |
450
|
900
|
| Soap |
500
|
1,500
|
| Detergent |
800
|
2,000
|
Sport shoe companies Nike and Reebok did in 1998 award their sport
shoe workers two wage increases totalling 40% - bringing the monthly
wage of the workers concerned to 250,000 rupiah compared to a minimum
wage of
200,000 and an estimated living wage of 350,000. Nike and Reebok
are said to have shared the costs of this increase with their suppliers.
Nike and Reebok are alone in having made such a decision and there
is no doubt that it will have been welcome compensation for workers
trying to cope with an annual inflation rate of 70%. The move, however,
must be seen in the context of the gains made by Nike, Reebok and
all who sourced from Indonesia at the time, from the sharp devaluation
of the rupiah. It is unclear why Nike and Reebok failed to grant
the same pay rises to Indonesian workers producing sportswear rather
than sport shoes.
The situation of garment workers Dani and Maslaha demonstrates
the human dimension of the Indonesian financial crisis. Dani lives
with his wife Nyai and two children in a 2-roomed ply wood shack
in Jakarta, the Indonesian capital. Dani, the family's sole breadwinner,
is one of the millions of Indonesian workers buffeted by the economic
crisis that struck the country in late 1997.
"I work for PT Griya Prima, making clothes for GAP and
Docker. Things are bad; they aren't paying our wages on time
There's
no overtime anymore so we are earning the minimum wage of 35p a
day. We're living off our savings. We try to make do, but we have
to pay rent, electricity and water. The price of milk has trebled
so we have stopped buying it for the children; we have to give them
sweet tea and water. Food is vegetable soup with lots of water.
Sometimes an egg, but never meat
Nyai feels the work is too
hard for so little money".
Maslaha works for PT Griya Prima making garments for US companies
such as GAP and LEVI's. She shares her tiny 8 x 8 ft room with 3
other girls from the same factory.
"I'm from central Java. I came to Jakarta 5 years ago looking
for work. I wanted experience. I didn't want to be a farmer; they
earn even less than we do. My parents live in the country. We earn
57p a day. Our rent is £15 a month between 4 of us. On top
of that, we pay for baths and eat off stalls; there's no kitchen."
17
Vietnam
In March 1998, American shareholders from Nike and Reebok visited
3 sport shoe factories in Vietnam, producing exclusively for Nike.
The factories varied in size between 6,000 and 10,000 workers, 90%
of whom were young women between the ages of 18 and 20.
The wage for workers in the foreign export sector is set in dollars,
but paid in Vietnamese dong. Minimum wage levels are set for foreign
investment joint ventures, according to region. In March 1998, the
minimum wage for Ho Chi Minh City and Hanoi was $45 (£27.30)
a month, $40 (£24.20) in certain other large cities and $35
(£21.20) elsewhere. This policy of establishing the minimum
wage in dollars creates an area of controversy which directly affects
the wages paid to workers. The management of Sam Yang, a Nike subcontractor
factory, reported that at the time of contract signing, the exchange
rate was 11,000 dong to the dollar, and consequently, 11,000 was
set as the exchange rate for the duration of the contract. In March
1998, however, the exchange rate was actually 13,400 dong to the
dollar.
According to Madame Khanh of the Confederation of Labour of the
Vietnam Labour Ministry, workers' wages should be adjusted according
to the fluctuating exchange rate. Clearly, exchange rate fluctuations
- and the extent to which benefits are gained by buyers or passed
on to workers - radically affect the workers' purchasing power.
Impact of exchange rate on hourly cost of basic commodities
|
Item
|
Price in dong |
$1 = 11,000 dong |
$1 = 13,400 dong |
| 1 kg white sugar |
7,000 |
2 hours 50 minutes |
2 hours 19 minutes |
| 1 kg rice |
2,500 |
1 hour |
50 minutes |
| 6 eggs |
6,000 |
2 hours 30 minutes |
2 hours |
| 1 kg chicken |
30,000 |
12 hours |
9 hours 57 minutes |
| 1 kg chick peas |
5,200 |
2 hours 6 minutes |
1 hour 43 minutes |
| 1 litre of cooking oil |
10,000 |
4 hours 2 minutes |
2 hours 19 minutes |
India
The Indian clothes industry did not gain importance until the 1970s,
when the government launched a series of measures aimed at liberalising
industrial policy, but strongly favouring the small-scale, mainly
informal sector. The subsequent increase in production means that
clothes are now the single largest foreign exchange earner for India,
accounting for some 20% of exports. Yet India's share of the world
market is of only 2.5%, primarily in the European Union. Manufacturing
is located mainly in Delhi, Bombay, Bangalore, Madras and the Tirupur
area.
According to the Minimum Wages Act, minimum wages in the garment
industry vary according to both region and category of worker. In
Bombay, which falls into the highest category, the basic wage per
month is:
· Category 1 - a Master Cutter, Rs2,150 (£30)
· Category 2 - a cutter, Rs2050 (£28)
· Category 3 - tailors, packers and ironers, - Rs1,950 (£27)
· category 4 - lower grade tailors, packers and ironers,
- Rs1,900 (£26)
· category 5 - thread cutters, Rs1,850 (£25).20
In addition to the basic wage, workers are supposed to receive
a Dearness (cost of living) Allowance of Rs1,000. Thus a Category
3 worker should receive a total of Rs2,950 (£41).
Minimum wage rates are revised every 5 years. For the last 4 years,
wages have stayed the same whilst inflation has been approximately
10% a year.21
On average, women workers - who should be receiving category 3
or 4 wages - are earning 1,500-2,000 (£21-£28), and
some are earning as little as Rs800 (£11) a month for full
time thread cutting.22
Trade unionists say that their priority is to obtain the minimum
wage implemented and they "cannot dream of demanding a living
wage". When trade unions press for the minimum wage, employers
say they cannot afford it. They close down the workplace, dismiss
all the workers, move somewhere else and start again with a new
set of workers. If they have several sweatshops, employers move
work from one to another if workers demand higher wages.
Most women workers are married, a few younger ones live with their
parents. Some husbands are earning similar amounts, others are not
getting a regular wage. Almost all families have children and many
have dependent elderly parents. Whilst minimum wage rates, if they
were paid, would be adequate to meet the costs of food, the real
costs of education, health care, housing and care of elderly relatives
have not been taken into account.
Although there is a contributory Employees' State Insurance Scheme
(ESIS) entitling workers and their families to free health care,
many women in the informal sector are not on the official payroll
and so are not covered. In any case, medicines are often not available
in ESIS clinics and some hospitals have been closed down. Many workers
are forced into using private health care which can be extremely
costly. Similarly, education in government-run schools is free,
but the quality is so poor that even informal sector workers will
try to send their children to government-aided private schools,
where fees are Rs100-150 (£1.40-£2.10) a month.
Minimum wage rates are far from a living wage. They provide no
leeway for savings or taking insurance - and no possibility of entertainment
or holidays. Many garment workers, many of whom are not even being
paid minimum wage rates, are living on the edge, and any small thing
- an illness, repairs to their home, a marriage - can push them
over, forcing them into a debt they can never get out of.
UK
In the last 25 years, relocation, bankruptcy and the introduction
of labour saving technologies has cut the total number of jobs in
the UK's combined clothing and textile industries from one million
to 282,20023 - a figure which does not include homeworkers and the
self-employed. At the same time, the network of small workshops
and homeworkers, whose exact numbers are unknown, has boomed. Many
of them are grouped around London's East End, the East and West
Midlands and Greater Manchester, often run by Asians, including
Kurds and Turks. Like their counterparts in Asia, Eastern Europe
and Latin America, homeworkers and workers in Britain's sweatshops
often suffer poor wages, poor working conditions and job insecurity.
Following the introduction of the National Minimum Wage in April
1999, KFAT, the National Union for Knitwear, Footwear and Textiles
Workers has been active amongst Leicester's Asian garment workers.
The campaign slogan "£3.60 or more, or they're breaking
the law" is attracting attention.
In Leicester's Belgrave area, there are lots of clothing and textiles
companies. Some are small, employing only a handful of people, but
others are much larger with 50 or more workers. Most are from the
local Asian community. Many are low paid and very few are union
members.
KFAT's community organiser, Chanda Parmar, comments:
"Workers are being paid anything from £2 to £3.50
an hour, but employers are recording fewer hours than are really
being worked. That way, it looks like £3.60 is being paid.
We've collected a number of pay slips which show completely false
figures for the hours worked."
Blatant abuse of the National Minimum Wage law is not uncommon.
One worker told KFAT:
"On the third week, I worked 43 hours and I was expecting
to be paid £154.80 gross. But I only received £123.30
as my pay slip only recorded 34.25 hours. When I questioned my employer
he said you are on piece work now
"
The element of fear remains a problem, with threats from bosses
making many scared to come forward.24
Homeworkers over 21 are entitled to be paid at least the minimum
wage of £3.60 an hour, which came into force in April 1999.
Of 81 homeworkers contacted since 1 April by either the National
Group on Homeworking (NGH) or local homeworking projects, 31 only
are in receipt of the National Minimum Wage and 43 are not (7 did
not specify their hourly rate).
The findings of NGH, from 40 in-depth interviews around the UK,
are that most homeworkers are surprised to hear that they are covered
by the minimum wage legislation, but that many who are receiving
less than the minimum wage rate are afraid to challenge their employer
for fear of losing work. Homeworkers from ethnic minorities were
found to be receiving much lower rates of pay than white homeworkers
doing similar work.
Some unions consider the National Minimum Wage rate, where it is
paid, to be far too low to make a real impact on the poverty of
low paid-workers. In January 1999, for example, the TGWU launched
its "£5 Now" campaign. Apart from the contribution
this would make to eradicating poverty and improving social conditions,
the TGWU suggest that there is also a powerful economic argument
for raising pay levels at the bottom end of the labour market.
Lastly, low wages can and do exacerbate other problems. In particular,
poorly paid workers find themselves forced to work long overtime
hours where overtime is available. In China and Bangladesh, workers
are commonly working seven days a week with two days off per month
if no orders are pressing. In the UK, the poorest-paid homeworkers
work all the hours they can, sometimes enlisting the help of their
families in order to produce more or complete their work faster.
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